College of Leadership and Development Studies

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Author: search.filters.author.Osimen Goddy U.

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    The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Resurgence of Military Coups in West Africa
    (Journal of African Union StudiesVol. 13, No. 2, 2024-08-01) Akinyemi Opeyemi; Apeloko O. D.; Osimen Goddy U.; Chukwudi Ekene Celestina
    The military is designed to protect the polity, but national occurrences have motivated the same to take over political power via a coup to change the government. This study is set to explore the causes of military incursions in West Africa. The study is also to unravel the challenges that the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has faced in the wake of military incursion into politics. Hence, many international organisations and individuals have resolved that the military must accept the authority of civilian rule. In other words, they may be responsible for carrying out a policy decision they disagree with. The rightness or wrongness of a policy or decision can be ambiguous. Civilian decision-makers may be impervious to corrective information. In practice, the relationship between civilian authorities and military leaders must be worked out. The qualitative method of data collection was adopted for this study. Content analysis is adopted in the analysis of this work. The theory of civil-military relations is chosen for the underpinnings of this study. The findings revealed that different countries in ECOWAS states have experienced military incursions whose causes are multifaceted. The causes range from historical government handling of conflicts to acts of impunity, among others. This situation has strained the relationships between member states in their political and socioeconomic engagements. The study therefore concludes that military incursion in politics in West Africa have caused setbacks for ECOWAS in their bid to achieve democracy, integration, and socioeconomic and sustainable development. It is then recommended that democratic institutions should be strengthened, which will help to address the root causes of instability. The leaders of member states should also be held accountable for upholding democratic principles. This study will help policymakers in the West African region foster democratic principles.
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    Secessionist Agitations and Human Security: The Quest for the Agitations of IPOB in Southeastern Nigeria
    (Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies Vol 13 No 4, 2024-06) Osimen Goddy U.; Chukwudi Ekene Celestina; Oladoyin Anthony Mayowa; Nnaemeka Whitney Chimdalu; Dada Oludolapo Omolara
    Human security is a vital aspect of a state’s existence and it's performance in both local and international system. However, in Nigeria, the state of human security has been intercepted by many obstacles. The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) secessionist movement is a major interception. The arrest of the group’s leader, Nnamdi Kanu, in 2015 triggered a rise in the three-year movement and ultimately a fall in human security in the country. This study investigates the relationship between the IPOB secessionist agitation and human security as well as the implications that the agitations have on human security in Nigeria. The study adopts the relative deprivation theory as the theoretical framework to analyse the underlying causes of secessionist movements. Utilizing a secondary method of data collection, the research relies on an extensive literature review and analysis of relevant sources, including books, journals, and online articles. The findings of this study reveal that IPOB agitations have repercussions on human security in the country. The study therefore recommends facilitating open and constructive dialogue between the Nigerian government and representatives of IPOB to address the root causes of secessionist agitations.
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    Security Challenges and The Role of Opposition Political Parties in Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria
    (Pakistan Journal of Life and Social Sciences 23(1), 2025) Chukwudi Ekene Celestina; Osimen Goddy U.; Ezebuilo Paul Chibuike; OLADIPO Temidayo David
    Insurgency and insecurity have remained the outcome of the relationship between the ruling and the opposition party in Nigeria. The situation has kept the attention of government diverted to fighting insurgency and insecurity in the society thereby losing focus on the primary task of administration. It also examines the role of opposition parties in creating an atmosphere of insecurity in society and the fight against it. Most times, the efforts of the government in fighting insecurity are met with corruption among members thereby being part of the government's weakness. The study's conclusions were reached through the application of qualitative research techniques and the utilisation of secondary material from internet sources as well as books, journals, and newspapers. The analysis framework for this paper is based on Estonian System Theory. Research has revealed that opposition political parties can employ a variety of tactics to undermine the ruling party and force it from office, having initially served as watchdogs. The opposition party believes that every attempt to remove the ruling party draws them closer to victory. It is therefore concluded that opposition parties have become part of insurgency and insecurity in the state to weaken the ruling government, and drum for their yet-to-come government. The study recommends that the opposition party with the spirit of nation-building should join hands with the leading party in providing security and fighting insurgency for their interest and the general interest of society. The leading party must protect its members and the opposition.
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    Democratising Continental Peacebuilding Architecture in Africa: Strategy for Attainment of Agenda 2063 of the African Union
    (Journal of African Union Studies Vol. 13, No. 3, 2024-12-01) Osimen Goddy U.; Joseph Ruth Modupeoluwa; Omidiora Oluwasegun; Adi Isaac
    Africa’s journey toward sustainable peace is hindered by centralised, top-down peacebuilding frameworks that often overlook local contexts and community needs. The main argument is that democratising peacebuilding within the African Union’s (AU) Agenda 2063 can lead to a more inclusive and effective approach, enhancing the long-term success of peace initiatives. Based on regime theory, which emphasises the need for cooperation and common norms, this study employs qualitative methods to examine both constraints and opportunities in AU policy papers, reports, and academic literature. Findings indicate that engaging local actors—such as community groups, women, and youth—promotes local ownership and durable peace. Recommendations highlight the need for increased local involvement and sustainable funding to advance Agenda 2063’s peace goals.
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    The misconstruction of enemy images in war reporting: The insight narratives on Israel-Hamas conflict
    (Global Change, Peace & Security Volume 35, 2023 - Issue 3, 2025-02) Osimen Goddy U.; DELE-DADA MOYOSOLUWA PRISCILIA; Osere Nkem Janefrances
    The media plays a crucial role in shaping public perceptions during conflicts, particularly through the construction of enemy images. In the case of the Israel-Hamas conflict, war reporting has reinforced hostile narratives, contributing to the escalation of violence. With the use of secondary sources of data, this study explores how enemy images are constructed through selective media framing, biased language, and the portrayal of both Israel and Hamas in starkly oppositional terms. By comparing Western, Israeli, Palestinian, and regional media outlets, the study identifies key patterns in the use of emotionally charged narratives, political rhetoric, and imagery. It also highlights the implications of such representations, including the justification of military actions, dehumanisation of the adversary, and the manipulation of international perceptions.
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    Sustainable Smart Cities in African Digital Space
    (Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning for Sustainable Development, 2024) Daudu Basil Osayin; Osimen Goddy U.; Anaiye Esther Besty
    Technology enhances the economic growth and development of a nation, and the 21st century is festooned with advanced technologies that make transactions and communication between government and its citizens, and between countries, easy. The use of technology, therefore, is a defining attribute of smart cities (Cairo, Algiers, Nairobi, Lagos, and Tunis, amongst others) across Africa. The technological impact of these cities has permeated the other aspects of life in the areas of e-government, e-education, e-commerce, e-communication, and eadvertisement, amongst others. With this, citizens also openly access data records and actively participate in public affairs. Despite the ample benefits of the use of technology, some citizens see technology as an avenue to carry out heinous cybercrimes such as fake news, internet fraud, and cyberbullying, amongst others. As such, our lead questions are: What impact do smart cities have on African digital space and the global economy? How best can the challenges confronting smart cities in Africa be dealt with? Where is the place of Africa in the 21st-century technological world? In this chapter, we adopt a qualitative method to bolster our argument that smart cities in Africa have progressed over the years and positively influenced African digital space and beyond. We also argue for generative artificial intelligence as an empowering tool in boosting smart cities in Africa and as a problem-solving tool for the likely challenges of smart governance of which African Luddite attitude towards technology is included.
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    Sustainable development goals implementation in a post‐colonial African State: Any future for the African Continental Free Trade Area?
    (Sustainable Dvelopment Volume33, Issue1, 2024-09) Chidozie Felix C.; Osimen Goddy U.; Bhadmus Joy; Newo Oluwamurewa
    This paper examined the prospect of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement in the context of the SDGs. It took its bearing from the contemporary structure of most African states, arguing that the reality of the continent's postcolonial condition could impede the implementation of the AfCFTA. Its refrain is that studies on how Nigeria and South Africa, as regional powers, have used their economic and political influence to advance the SDGs' implementation throughout Africa, using different South–South development frameworks are few. In other words, the institutionalization of a strategic collaboration agenda through a Nigeria-South Africa-coordinated African response to the new powers, in the area of timely implementation of the SDGs is lacking. This study affirms that for the AfCFTA to be successful, it is incumbent on the regional hegemons to build a suitable institutional framework and governance structure that upholds the rule of law and encourages harmonization, consistency, and predictability.
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    Political Leadership and Humanitarian Crisis: The Aftermath of Rwanda Conflict and the Challenges of Democratic Sustainability in Africa
    (Journal of Somali Studies : Research on Somalia and the Greater Horn of African CountriesVol. 12, No. 1, 2025) Osimen Goddy U.; Udoh Oluwakemi D.; Daudu Basil Osayin; Odukoya Jonathan Adedayo; Chidozie Felix C.
    Political leadership and humanitarian crises have had a huge impact on the democratic sustainability of many African states since gaining independence from their colonial masters in the 1960s. Political leadership, humanitarian crises, and democratic sustainability are strongly interconnected as the quality of leadership during a crisis can either strengthen or weaken democratic systems. Good leadership prevents crisis, while bad leadership leads to anarchy, thereby endangering democratic principles and processes. The ideas of political leadership, humanitarian crises, and democratic sustainability unfold in the case of the Rwandan conflict and its aftermath, thereby making the country a case study for the rest of the world. This is well described using the Political Leadership theory in this study. The objectives of the study are to: (i) examine the Rwandan conflict/genocide and Rwanda’s political sphere between 1998 and 2022; (ii) interrogate the role of leadership in the recovery of Rwandans from the humanitarian crisis they faced; (iii) highlight the policies and structural changes made by the government of Rwanda, particularly the reconciliatory and peacebuilding mechanisms initiated in the aftermath of the Conflict; and (iv) examine how political leadership, humanitarian crises, and democratic sustainability have contributed to the current state of affairs in the continent of Africa. Thus, the study adopted a qualitative case study design to evaluate political leadership, humanitarian crises, and the challenges of democratic sustainability in the context of post-genocide Rwanda. The study revealed, among others, that Rwanda’s leadership overcame the humanitarian crisis via leadership quality, indicating that strong institutions, effective leadership, and the rule of law are key to sustaining democracy in African states.
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    Political Exclusion and the Quest for Self-Determination in Southeastern Nigeria
    (African RenaissanceVol. 22, No. 1, 2025) Osimen Goddy U.; Daudu Basil Osayin; Chidozie Felix C.
    The Igbo, one of Nigeria’s major ethnic groups have long experienced marginalisation and perceived exclusion from national political leadership. The research adopted the phenomenological research design with data collected from secondary sources via a systematic literature review. The data gathered were analysed, utilizing thematic analysis. Using the relative deprivation theory, this study explores the historical backdrop, socio-political dynamics, and key factors underlying the Igbo people’s perceived political exclusion. The study investigates the motivating factors driving the Igbo people’s quest for self-determination and digs into the techniques used by Igbo socio-political parties such as MASSOB (Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra) and IPOB (Indigenous People of Biafra) to achieve self-determination ranging from peaceful rallies to separatist movements. The study also looks at how the Nigerian government and other stakeholders responded to these demands. Among other things, the study revealed that ethnic sentiment is a problem in Nigeria, and adding to the growing literature on political exclusion and self-determination, the study provides a deeper knowledge of challenges faced by the Igbo and potential paths (nonviolence, dialogue and inclusivity) for addressing their concerns within the Nigerian political structure.
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    N-Power program and youth empowerment in Nigeria
    (Cogent Social Sciences Volume 11, 2025 - Issue 1, 2025) Osimen Goddy U.; Etoroma Oghenemaro Miracle; Pokubo Ibiso; Adi Isaac
    The study assessed the impact of the N-Power program on youth empowerment in Lagos State, Nigeria. A cross sectional survey design was used to select the beneficiaries of the program, while both questionnaires and interviews were used as a source of data collection from the respondents. The collected data was analyzed using descriptive statistical methods. However, the key informant interview which were purposefully selected, were therefore analyzed by means of transcribing. Though the program has recorded a level of success in curbing unemployment and alleviating poverty in the study area, the study however revealed some challenges faced by the program, which include irregular payment of allowances, corruption among N-Power personnel, among others. The study therefore recommends among others, prompt and timely payment of stipends to the beneficiaries of the Program, as well as the posting of beneficiaries to their nearest place of residence.