College of Leadership and Development Studies

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Start date: 2013End date: 2019

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    Beijing Declaration and Women’s Property Rights in Nigeria
    (European Scientific Journal (ResearchGate), 2014) Folarin Sheriff F.; Udoh Oluwakemi D.
    In Nigeria, women have suffered various forms of discrimination and oppression during property sharing, especially in terms of land for economic purposes and other physical assets. The challenge has been that, in patriarchal societies, like Nigeria, women are regarded as subservient to men and are never considered in property sharing. Rather, the woman is often regarded as part of the property to be shared especially during the loss of her spouse. Most disturbing is that, though statutory law and international laws have affirmed women’s rights to land and other property, women are often denied access and ownership to property due to unfavorable customary practices. This paper examines women’s property rights in Nigeria. In doing so, it looks critically into Nigeria’s compliance with the 1995 Beijing Platform of Action. It also identifies some factors such as customary and statutory laws as responsible for the discrimination of women vis-à-vis their rights to property and inheritance. In addition to these, it concludes that, the 1995 Beijing Declaration is yet to be fully integrated and domesticated in the national legislations that protect women and their rights to property. In carrying out this research, secondary sources were consulted. Recommendations were made bordering on equality between men and women and gender-sensitivity in legal institutions.
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    Political Restructuring, Federalism and Democratic Sustainability in Nigeria
    (Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development Vol.9, No.21, 2018) Osimen Goddy U.; Aghemelo Austine Thomas; Oyewole Oyindamola O.
    Nigeria has undergone a long process of restructuring in terms of the number of geo-political administrative areas called states or regions constituting the country. This process is popularly referred to as “state creation”, that is the process whereby new geo-political units/constituents known as “states” in most federations are created out of existing or old ones. The outcome of this process is usually an increase in the number of states constituting the Nigerian federation. Nigeria is one of the most ethnically diverse countries in the world with well over 250 ethno linguistic groups, some of which are bigger than many independent states of contemporary Africa. The Nigerian federalism is a creation of the British. Before the arrival of British colonialists, the area now known as Nigeria was inhabited by peoples who belonged to different Empires, kingdoms and societies, which were traditionally administered. The arrival of British and other European explorers, merchants and religious missionaries introduced slave trade and conflicts and then consequently bringing a new system of governance that executed the organized and transparent institutions and governments that had existed before the balkanization of Africa. This suggests that the formation, evolutionary process and unification of Nigerian political and administrative systems did not represent the interest and aspirations of the natives or ethnic groups. The early pre-independence constitutional development is an example of this misrepresentation of the native consent on what type of system Nigeria will run- whether a federation, a confederation, unitary or not. After the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates of Nigeria in 1914, the country was more or less run as unitary colony with twenty four provinces (12 in the North and 12 in the South) until the establishment of the federal order by the Richards constitution of 1946. Thereafter, ethnic politics (otherwise known as tribalism) and regionalism have become definitive features of Nigeria federalism. The aim of this paper was therefore, to examine the origins and sequences of events on restructuring that creates the contemporary Nigerian state including the structure and features of Nigerian Federalism and it traces. The paper revealed that some of the challenges facing Nigerian federalism are; revenue sharing formula among the tiers, state creation, resource control and power sharing. This all have cumulated in placing the democratic rule in the country at a disadvantaged position. Consequently, the dividends of democracy have seized to reach the hands of the common people. It is on the bases of this some policy recommendations were made.
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    2011 POST-ELECTORAL VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA: LESSON FOR 2015 GENERAL ELECTION
    (American International Journal of Research in Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences, 2013) Osimen Goddy U.; OLOGUNOWA CHRISTOPHER SUNDAY
    Nigeria is a heterogeneous country with diverse and overlapping religious and ethnic divisions. Nigerian culture is as diverse as its population, which is estimated to be around 150 million. With the regaining of political process in 1999 after over thirty (30) years of military rule, Nigeria looked set for a return to stability and the regaining of its position in the commity of nations particularly in Africa. Wrongly so, this was not to be. Since the 1999 to the 2011 General elections, the Nigeria electoral and political landscape has fallen from par to below par and has moved from violence to greater violence. The level and magnitude of electoral and political violence has risen and the political elites have often converted poverty ridden unemployed Nigerian youths into readymade machinery for the perpetration of electoral violence. This is linked to the political system and institution that in theory has failed to political participation and in practice has seen the political elites forming bulk of the sponsors and perpetrators of electoral violence. This paper therefore, painstakingly analyzed the electoral malpractices and fraud that have characterized elections in Nigeria since 1960 till 2011 general elections in chronological order. In the final analysis, it was discovered that virtually all the electoral malpractices and fraud associated with elections including violence and crises are carried out by youths, who are paid and hired by politicians as party thugs to threatened the electorate and thereby disrupts the smooth democratic process. Necessary recommendations were given to promote and sustain credible, free and fair elections in Nigeria.
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    An Assessment of Corruption in the Public Sector in Nigeria: A Study of Akure South Local Government Area, Ondo State
    (Canadian Social Science Vol. 9, No. 5,, 2013) Osimen Goddy U.; Adenegan Taiwo Samuel; Balogun Akinyemi
    Issue of corruption in Nigeria has been a major concern to all and sundry in the society. The upsurge of this social menace in Nigeria in recent times is disturbing and it seems the menace has defied all kinds of treatment and the damage it has caused to national life cannot be quantified. The objective of this paper therefore, is to examine and assess corruption in the public sector in Nigeria with particular reference to Akure South Local Government Area of Ondo State. It has generated data based on questionnaires, on the public perception and level of corruption in the study area. The questionnaire and the groups tested were segmented. However, it was observed that many factors such as; lack of transparency, moral laxity, weak government institutions, unemployment and poverty etc were significant factors stimulating corruption in Nigeria. By this result, it means that proactive measures must be shaped towards eradicating corruption in Nigeria. This paper recommends, among others, that government should strengthen the institutions established to fight corruption
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    Job Satisfaction and Work Environment of Primary Health Care Nurses in Ekiti State, Nigeria: an Exploratory Study
    (International Journal of Caring Sciences September-December 2013 Vol 6 Issue 3, 2013) Ayamolowo Sunday Joseph; Irinoye Omolola; Oladoyin Anthony Mayowa
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    Regional Integration and the Neo-functionalist Model: The Brexit Narrative
    (Chin. Polit. Sci. Rev. 5, 2018) Aje Oluwatobi; Chidozie Felix C.
    The socio-economic and political advantages derived as benefits of the integrative project have been the justification for most integrative initiatives. This has also made regional integration a major phenomenon in international relations, both as a field of study and as a sphere of actual relation. Many theories are paraded in scholarly circles explaining the rationale and process of the integrative project. However, little attention is paid to the fact that, on the continuum of integration, retrogression and disengagement is possible as social realities unfold. Using archival research method, the work examines the relevance of the neo-functional model in explaining recent trends on integration, using Brexit as a case study. It contends that the neo-functionalist model still holds analytical purchase in approximating contemporary trends of integration